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«NOVEMBER 22, 1963 (Friday) 12:00 AM (Nov. 22, 1963) Nine Secret Service agents drinking at Pat Kirkwood’s bar the “Cellar Door” in Fort Worth, ...»

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conducted disinformation campaigns designed to raise dark suspicions about the United States Government and prominent American leaders around the world. The book also suggests that those efforts were amateurish and often silly. In August 1967, for instance, the K.G.B. authorized a plan to discredit the Rev. Martin Luther King by planting articles in the African press portraying him as an “Uncle Tom” who was secretly being paid off by the Government so that he would make sure the civil rights movement would not threaten President Lyndon B. Johnson. The K.G.B. was apparently frustrated that a moderate like Dr. King had emerged as the most influential voice in the civil rights movement, but Moscow’s comical propaganda revealed the K.G.B.’s lack of understanding of American politics and society. The K.G.B.’s propaganda campaign had even less impact than the F.B.I.’s separate, but equally fumbling, efforts to smear Dr. King. “News that the K.G.B. was attempting to plant false stories in the African press portraying Dr. King as an ‘Uncle Tom,’ at the very time when Dr. King was harshly attacking Johnson’s conduct of the Vietnam War indicates that American police agencies were not the only Keystone Kops active in the 1960’s,” said David J. Garrow, a historian at Emory University and the author of “The F.B.I. and Martin Luther King Jr.” Mitrokhin was a K.G.B. archivist in charge of managing many of the spy service’s secret files until he retired in 1984. When he arrived in Britain in 1992 and sought out British intelligence, he brought with him a huge cache of notes that he said he had taken based on those files, and turned them over. The Mitrokhin files, which the British considered reliable enough to share with the C.I.A. and F.B.I., have offered Western intelligence and law enforcement officials a treasure trove of historical information about K.G.B. operations around the world. And while the archives quoted in the book contain only limited information about Soviet espionage cases, they have already helped identify some spies. In the United States, for instance, the book reveals that the Mitrokhin files helped lead the F.B.I. to Robert Lipka, a former code-clerk at the National Security Agency, who worked as a Soviet mole in the 1960’s. Lipka was arrested in 1996 and pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit espionage. Information about other open spy cases contained in the archives were withheld from the book, including the case of a former State Department official, Felix S. Bloch, who was suspended in 1989 and resigned in 1990 but was never charged or arrested. Mitrokhin first tried to defect to the United States but received a lukewarm reception from a C.I.A. officer when he approached the agency in a Baltic country soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Officials say that the C.I.A.’s Soviet/East European Division had decided that the K.G.B. was no longer a threat and had instituted a controversial policy that led C.I.A. officers in the field to turn away many defectors. Paul Redmond, who was then the C.I.A.’s deputy chief of counterintelligence, said in an interview that he sought to take over the Mitrokhin case after other officials had failed to show interest, but by then Mitrokhin had turned to the British. Redmond now argues that the C.I.A.’s diffident handling of Mitrokhin’s efforts underscored a larger problem, which was that the C.I.A. decided “naively” after the collapse of the Soviet Union to scale back its espionage operations against Moscow. ABC News reported on this controversy on Thursday. The C.I.A. apparently did miss a good bet with Mitrokhin, since his archives also seem to reveal a wide array of intriguing insights into other K.G.B. operations, including the planting of secret caches of weapons in Europe and probably in North America, apparently for use in the event of war. They also appear to show that the K.G.B.

tried to blackmail Chancellor Willy Brandt of West Germany in the 1960’s by alleging that he had spied for Moscow during World War II. While Brandt was living in exile in Sweden during the war, he had provided information about Germany to the Soviets as well as the British and Americans, but never committed espionage, the files show. But in 1962, the K.G.B. attempted to blackmail Brandt by threatening to use evidence of his dealings with the K.G.B.’s Stockholm residency against him, according to the Mitrokhin archives. The attempt failed. The book says that Mitrokhin’s files also pointed to the existence of a previously unknown British agent who was recruited on ideological grounds by the Soviets during the 1930’s, but who survived the collapse of the famous Kim Philby spy ring.

Melita Norwood, code-named Hola in the Mitrokhin files, remained in place after the others in the Cambridge spy ring were identified or forced to defect to Moscow. The book says that, after being recruited to the Soviet cause in the 1930’s, she began to spy for Moscow after she started working for the British Non-Ferrous Metals Association in 1945, providing information on Britain’s project to build its first atomic bomb. She spied for the Soviets for decades, and in 1958 Moscow secretly awarded her the Order of the Red Banner. According to the book, she also tried to recruit other British officials to spy for Moscow, and succeeded in convincing at least one unidentified British civil servant to provide the Soviets with technical information and intelligence on British arms sales in the 1960’s and 1970’s. She retired without being arrested and, now 87, lives in a suburb of London, where she spoke to reporters after news of her past was revealed on Saturday in The Times of London. She said she had no regrets. “I did not want money,” the newspaper quoted her as saying. “It was not that side I was interested in. I wanted Russia to be on an equal footing with the West. Older people, the ones who lived through it, might understand,” she added. “I’m not so sure about the young generation. I hope they accept it.” November 21, 1999 WASHINGTON (AP) - ( 1:12 PM ET ) Hours after President Kennedy was assassinated, FBI agents reportedly listened to a tape of a phone call that a man identifying himself as ``Lee Oswald’’ had placed to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. They made a startling discovery: The voice on the tape was not Oswald’s, government records say. This controversial tape has been a question mark in the assassination investigation since Kennedy was killed. The assassination occurred 36 years ago Monday and only now have new details about the tape come to light. The CIA said years ago that the tapes on which it recorded the call were erased. Documents released in recent years said otherwise. The latest and newest of declassified documents offer more evidence that the tapes survived. The discovery that the voice on the tape was someone other than Oswald was a ``disquieting discovery because the man who impersonated Oswald was still at large,’’ said John Newman, an ex-military intelligence analyst, author and professor at the University of Maryland. Oswald was in Mexico City in September and October 1963. During his one-week stay, he contacted the Soviet Embassy and the Cuban consulate, inquiring about visas needed to go to the Soviet Union via Cuba. It is widely known that the CIA bugged telephones and took surveillance photos at both the embassy and consulate. But the agency maintained that it had routinely





erased and reused tapes of the phone intercepts. A message from the CIA’s Mexico City station to headquarters on Nov. 24, 1963, said:

``HQ has full transcripts all pertinent calls. Regret complete recheck shows tapes for this period already erased.’’ It was also known that while he was in Mexico City, Oswald had contact with Valeriy Kostikov - a man that one CIA memo described as a ``case officer in an operation which is evidently sponsored by the KGB’s 13th Department responsible for sabotage and assassination.’’ It was the caller who is thought to have impersonated Oswald who links him to this Soviet spy unit known as Department 13. Newly declassified documents - some released in the past six months - say that after the president was shot, a Navy plane carried a top-secret package from Mexico City to Dallas and landed there about 4 a.m. EST the day after the murder. Former FBI Agent Eldon Rudd, later a Republican congressman from Arizona, was aboard the plane. “There were no tapes to my knowledge,’’ Rudd said in a telephone interview. ``I brought the pictures up (from Mexico) and it was my understanding that it was just pictures.’’ Documents contradict Rudd’s understanding. A newly released memo dated Nov. 27, 1963, from FBI headquarters to its office in Mexico City, stated: “If tapes covering any contacts subject (Oswald) with Soviet or Cuban embassies available, forward to bureau for laboratory examination and analysis together with transcript. Include tapes previously reviewed Dallas if they were returned to you.’’ And a transcript of a telephone call FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover made to President Lyndon Johnson just six hours after the plane arrived in Dallas supports the belief that FBI agents listened to a tape that suggested an impersonation. “We have up here the tape and the photograph of the man who was at the Soviet embassy using Oswald’s name,’’ Hoover told Johnson, according to a transcript of that call released in 1993. ``That picture and the tape do not correspond to this man’s voice, nor to his appearance. In other words, it appears that there is a second person who was at the Soviet embassy down there.’’ While they would not speculate about the identity of the caller, several assassination researchers privately offered some explanations: Oswald could have been impersonated by a CIA officer who called the Soviet Embassy simply to fish for details about what Oswald was doing in Mexico City. Or, maybe someone was trying to link Oswald to the KGB’s assassination unit before Kennedy’s murder. Whatever the answer, there was plenty of reason for worry in Washington about any evidence pointing to Soviets or Cubans as somehow involved in the assassination. Relations with the former Soviet Union were icy. Both sides were armed with nuclear weapons. The Cuban missile crisis was still very much on America’s mind. “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin; that he did not have confederates who are still at large,’’ Nicholas Katzenbach, then deputy attorney general, wrote in a memo on Nov. 25, 1963. ``Speculation about Oswald’s motivation ought to be cut off and we should have some basis for rebutting (the) thought that this was a communist conspiracy or... a right-wing conspiracy to blame it on the communists.’’ In a telephone interview last week, Katzenbach said he does not know anything about the FBI listening to a tape in Dallas. ``Whether I knew anything about it at the time, or what I knew about it at the time, I don’t recall,’’ he said. Oswald’s trip to Mexico City was only briefly addressed by the Warren Commission,which concluded in 1964 that Oswald was the lone gunman who killed Kennedy. His activities in Mexico City were investigated vigorously by the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which reinvestigated the Kennedy murder in the 1970s.

The committee then raised the possibility of an Oswald impersonation but said there was not sufficient evidence to ``firmly’’ conclude that it happened. Many more details about the trip, however, have surfaced in CIA and FBI documents released by the Assassination Records Review Board. The board, set up by Congress to amass all assassination-related records, opened tens of thousands of pages before it closed down in 1998. Gus Russo, author of a book about the foreign policy implications of Kennedy’s assassination, said he is skeptical that FBI agents listened to actual tapes. He cited a Nov. 25, 1963, memo from the FBI office in Mexico City to headquarters that said ``there appears to be some confusion in that no tapes were taken to Dallas, only typewritten reports were supplied.’’ Newman said he has seen that memo and others that say the tapes were erased, but he said a pattern has emerged in the documents. ``For the first 24 hours after the assassination, there is no mention of erasures, only detailed discussions about listening to tapes,’’ Newman said.

``Then we go from one tape being erased to all tapes being erased. This is designed to protect very sensitive U.S. intelligence sources and methods and American relations with Mexico.’’ The CIA’s phone intercepts in Mexico City have been an unanswered question in the assassination case for decades, says T. Jeremy Gunn, former director and general counsel of the review board. However, he said two assistant counsels on the Warren Commission, William T. Coleman Jr. and W. David Slawson, told the review board that they had gone to Mexico City and not only read transcripts, but listened to recordings.``We tried to find the tape,’’ Gunn said of the review board’s effort. “We were unsuccessful. We tried to get everything we could and we end up with question marks.’’ (Second AP news story also published on this date:) Excerpts from declassified documents that say a man impersonating Lee Harvey Oswald called the Soviet embassy in Mexico City just weeks before President Kennedy was assassinated, and that investigators listened to a tape of the call.

Memo Nov. 23, 1963 from FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to Secret Service Chief James Rowley:

“The Central Intelligence Agency advised that on Oct. 1, 1963, an extremely sensitive source had reported that an individual identified himself as Lee Oswald, who contacted the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City inquiring as to any messages.

“Special Agents of this bureau, who have conversed with Oswald in Dallas, Texas, have observed photographs of the individual referred to above and have listened to a recording of his voice. These Special Agents are of the opinion that the above-referred-to individual was not Lee Harvey Oswald.’’ Memo written Nov. 23, 1963 from Alan Belmont, third in command at FBI Headquarters, to Clyde Tolson, Hoover’s right-hand man.

“The Dallas agents who listened to the tape of the conversation allegedly of Oswald from the Cuban Embassy to the Russian Embassy in Mexico and examined the photographs of the visitor to the Embassy in Mexico... were of the opinion that neither the tape nor the photograph pertained to Oswald.’’

Internal FBI memo written Nov. 24, 1963 by Hoover:



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