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«Stephen Boyanton Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and ...»

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Based on a count of texts recorded in Okada Kenkichi et al., Sō izen shōkanron kō (Ichikawa-shi: Toyo Gakujutsu Shuppansha, 2007); and Wang Ruixiang and Wei Wang, eds., Zhongguo guyiji shumu tiyao (Beijing: Zhongyi Guji Chubanshe, 2009).

E.g., Goldschmidt, “Epidemics and Medicine”; Unschuld, Medicine in China, 169.

of that tradition. The notion of a “revival” or “renaissance” is therefore untenable. Furthermore, the upsurge in writing on cold damage was in fact an upsurge in writing about a single text, the Treatise on Cold Damage, chosen from a previously far more diverse tradition of texts on cold damage studies. From the Song onward, the Treatise became the single most written-about text in the Chinese medical literary corpus. The question which we must answer, therefore, is not why cold damage studies increased in importance during the Song dynasty, but why the Treatise on Cold Damage became so central to cold damage studies and to literate Chinese medicine as a whole.

This chapter is divided into three sections. The first explores the tradition of cold damage studies before the Song dynasty. The relative lack of sources from this period has contributed to its general neglect, but a meaningful analysis of cold damage studies in the Song cannot be made without understanding what went before. Fortunately, a combination of manuscript discoveries— both in Japan and in the Dunhuang manuscripts—and the reconstruction of texts from quotations preserved elsewhere has recently made it possible to form a reliable picture of cold damage studies in this period. The second section discusses the Treatise on Cold Damage during the Song before its 1065 imperial publication. Although once again sources are limited, careful study reveals far more variation in the text of the Treatise than previously recognized. The final section surveys cold damage studies from 1065 to approximately 1350, examining the consequences of the imperial publication of the Treatise and the changed character of cold damage studies. This chapter concludes by raising basic questions about the changed status of the Treatise on Cold Damage which the remainder of this dissertation will seek to answer.

SECTION ONE: Cold Damage Studies Prior to the Song In order to understand the changes which occurred in the cold damage studies tradition during the Song, it is first necessary to understand that tradition prior to the Song and Zhang Ji’s place within it. I begin with an inventory of known texts from the pre-Song cold damage studies tradition and then examine their content and structure before concluding with a discussion of how pre-Song cold damage studies authors viewed Zhang Ji and his work.

An Inventory of Sources for Pre-Song Cold Damage Studies The sources for a pre-Song history of cold damage studies do not at first appear rich. The received tradition comprises only nine relevant texts: the Yellow Emperor’s Inner Classic corpus,16 the Treatise on Cold Damage itself and its variant edition the Classic of the Golden Coffer and Jade Case (Jingui yuhan jing 金匱玉函經), Wang Shuhe’s (王叔和, 201-280) Classic of the Pulse (Maijing 脈經, 280), Ge Hong’s (葛洪, 280-343) Formulae to Keep Close at Hand (Zhouhou fang 肘後方, 315),17 Chao Yuanfang’s (巢元方, fl. early 7th c.) Treatise on the Origins and Signs of Diseases (Zhubing yuanhou lun 諸病源候論, 610), Sun Simiao’s (孫思邈, d. 682) Formulae Worth a Thousand Gold (Qianjin yaofang 千金要方, 652) and Further Formulae Worth a Thousand Gold (Qianjin yifang 千金翼方, 681), Wang Tao’s (王燾, ca. 692Secret Essentials of the Outer Terrace, 752), and the Tamba Yasuyori’s (丹波康賴, 912Japanese medical compendium, Formulae at the Heart of Medicine (Ishinpō 醫心方, 982).

I borrow this term from David Keegan who uses it to describe the corpus of material from which the various

extant texts bearing the title Huangdi neijing were compiled; see David Joseph Keegan, “The ‘Huang-Ti Nei-Ching’:

The Structure of the Compilation; the Significance of the Structure” (PhD Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1988).

Formulae to Keep Close at Hand has a this dissertationicularly convoluted textual history and the extant version was edited and altered by Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-563) and Yang Yongdao 楊用道 (fl. 12th c.).

These nine, however, give access to a wider field. Leaving aside the Inner Classic corpus, the Treatise itself, and the Classic of the Golden Coffer and Jade Case, the remaining six texts were primarily composed by compilation from identifiable earlier texts. They therefore present a far broader picture of pre-Song cold damage studies than their numbers suggest. Of the six, the Classic of the Pulse, though the earliest, is the least useful, both because it rarely identifies its sources and because the extant edition’s Song dynasty editors found it necessary to draw extensively upon other texts to correct and complete their edition.18 Formulae Worth a Thousand Gold in Emergencies names four sources for cold damage study, and Further Formulae Worth a Thousand Gold contains an important variant edition of the Treatise. Secret Essentials of the Outer Terrace contains the richest material on pre-Song cold damage studies, identifying eleven more sources. Formulae at the Heart of Medicine, though written in the early Song dynasty, is a compendium of the pre-Song medical knowledge then known in Japan. It mentions six further texts not mentioned in the earlier sources.

In addition to these sources from the received tradition, seven recovered texts—three discovered in Japan, the other four among the Dunhuang manuscripts—have greatly enriched our understanding of cold damage studies prior to the Song. The first, the Short Essay on Classical Formulae (Jingfang xiaopin 經方小品, also known as Xiaopin fang 小品方, ca. 454-473), was previously known only from quotations in the sources listed above. The discovery in Japan of a manuscript copy of the first fascicle, including a table of contents, has greatly facilitated the reconstruction of this text. The Short Essay is particularly valuable since Tang dynasty physicians held it in as much esteem as the works of Zhang Ji. Its loss was lamented by the Song editors of the Treatise because it provided “a contrast to Zhongjing 仲景之比也,” and it was Song editors’ preface, in Wang Shuhe, Maijing jiaozhu, ed. Shen Yannan and Du Tongfang, Zhongyi guji zhengli congshu (Beijing: Renmin Weisheng Chubanshe, 1991), 13–14.

cited even more frequently than Zhang Ji in Formulae Worth a Thousand Gold.19 Japanese scholars have also brought to light two pre-Song editions of the Treatise, the Kōji edition (康治 本, 805) and the Kōhei edition (康平本, prior to 806),20 which provide invaluable information on the Treatise during the Sui (581-619) and Tang (619-907). Helpful Instructions on Methods for Using Medicinals According to the Viscera and Bowels (Fuxingjue zangfu yongyao fa 輔行訣臟 腑用藥法) by Tao Hongjing (陶弘景, 456-563), was discovered among the Dunhuang manuscripts and has shed light not only on cold damage studies in Tao’s time, but also—by preserving material from the otherwise lost Han dynasty text, Canonical Method of Decoctions (Tangye jingfa 湯液經法)—on the sources that Zhang Ji used in composing the Treatise. The Dunhuang manuscripts also contain three fragments of variant editions of the Treatise enriching our knowledge of its status during the Sui and Tang.

These sources, and the sources they in turn cite, are tabulated below (Table 1-1). They allow us to construct a picture of cold damage studies before the Song, which, if incomplete, is nonetheless highly informative. The first point—which they make clear by their sheer number, 37 in all, and the continuity of their composition from the beginning of the common era up through the Tang—is that cold damage studies in this long time-span was never a minor or neglected field of medical endeavor. On the contrary, it was a thriving tradition represented by many figures other than Zhang Ji, and it consistently attracted the attention of medical authors. In the English-language scholarship, previous estimates of the size of the pre-Song cold damage studies corpus have been hampered by a focus on texts devoted exclusively to cold damage Qianjin yaofang, postface, in Sun Simiao, Sun Simiao yixue quanshu, ed. Zhang Yinsheng and Han Xuejie (Beijing: Zhongguo Zhongyiyao Chubanshe, 2009), 560.

This date, taken from, Qian Chaochen, Shanghan lun wenxian tongkao (Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 1993), 663– 664, is still speculative. It is based on an analysis of the movement of Chinese books into Japan. Internal textual evidence, however, confirms that this edition was produced following the beginning of the Sui and prior to the beginning of the Song.

studies,21 a genre almost non-existent prior to the Song. Even the Treatise itself was originally part of the larger Treatise on Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases, which included material on a variety of different types of illness. Compilations and compendia were the medical genres of choice in this era, and an examination of these genres reveals the richness of cold

–  –  –

E.g., Goldschmidt, “Epidemics and Medicine,” 59.

This column indicates whether the text is extant as a separate text. All of these texts are at least extant as fragments quoted in other sources. Those labeled, “partial,” are extant as large fragments, independently or in other texts.

Some scholars suspect this is simply another name of Chen Yanzhi, due to similarities found between the materials attributed to Chen Linqiu and Chen Yanzhi’s A Short Essay on Classical Formulae.

–  –  –

There is some dispute surrounding the authorship of this book, see Wang Tao, Wang Tao yixue quanshu, ed.

Zhang Dengben (Beijing: Zhongguo Zhongyiyao Chubanshe, 2006), 1072–1073; and Okanishi Tameto, Sō izen iseki kō (Beijing: Xueyuan Chubanshe, 2010), 562–563.

The Contents of Cold Damage Studies Prior to the Song With the sources inventoried above, it is possible to construct a reasonably accurate, if limited, picture of cold damage studies prior to the Song. Paul Unschuld and Asaf Goldschmidt argue that the use of medicinals prior to the Song was doctrinally simple or “pragmatic” and that diagnosis was “symptom-centered.” The Treatise, they hold, was unique among pre-Song texts in combining the doctrinally rich ideas of the Yellow Emperor’s Inner Classic corpus with drug therapy.25 Both the notion that there are “pragmatic” approaches to health and healing that do not rest on culturally specific understandings and the idea that symptoms are not doctrinally rich entities have been disputed by a great deal of research in medical history and anthropology.

Theoretical arguments aside, however, the surviving texts from the pre-Song cold damage studies reveal a tradition that is both doctrinally rich and diverse.

Particularly to readers accustomed to post-1065 cold damage studies, the overwhelming impression received from the pre-Song material is one of astonishing diversity. While dispute and disagreement are far from uncommon in the post-1065 tradition, the range of variation seen before the Song dwarfs that found in the post-Song tradition. This diversity can be seen in all aspects of the pre-Song approach to cold damage illnesses.

In terms of etiology and nosology, the Treatise on Cold Damage differentiates cold damage from illnesses due to seasonal qi (shiqi bing 時氣病)—the untimely arrival of cold or warmth throughout the year which was held to precipitate epidemics—also known as seasonalmovement illness (shixing bing 時行病) or heavenly movement illness (tianxing bing 天行病).26 While this point of view is shared by the majority of surviving cold damage texts, there were differences of opinion. Chen Yanzhi (陳延之, ca. late 4th-early 5th c.), in his Short Essay on Unschuld, Medicine in China, 111–116, 167; Goldschmidt, Evolution, 142–146.

Shanghan lun, juan 2, pian 3, p. 2b, in Zhang Ji, Zhongjing quanshu, 349.

Classical Formulae laments other authors’ failure to distinguish cold damage from heavenlymovement warm epidemics (a subset of heavenly-movement illnesses):

From the past up to today, it has been said that cold damage is an illness which is difficult to treat. Seasonal movement warm epidemics are the qi of toxic illness. But those who discuss them do not distinguish that cold damage and seasonal movement warm epidemics are different [types of] qi. They say that cold damage is merely the word [used by] refined scholars, while heavenly movement warm epidemic is the name [used] among farming families. They do not explain the differences and similarities of the illnesses.27 古今相傳,稱傷寒為難治之疾,時行溫疫是度病之氣,而論之者不判傷寒與時行溫疫 為異氣耳,云傷寒是雅士之辭,天行溫疫是田舍間號耳,不說病之異同也。 Chen’s complaint may have referred to Ge Hong’s Formulae to Keep Close at Hand, which states, Cold damage, seasonal-movement, and warm epidemic, these three names [refer to] one type [of illness]… Moreover, in noble and refined speech, they are collectively called cold damage; the commoners’ customary name [for them] is seasonal movement; and the words inscribed on Daoist talismans, the five warmths, is also different.

傷寒、時行、溫疫、三名,同一種耳,而源本有小異… 又貴勝雅言總名傷寒,世俗因 號為時行,道術符刻言五溫亦復殊。 Following his own advice, Ge’s text groups cold damage and seasonal-movement illness together in a single section of the text and rarely differentiates them when discussing their treatment.28 Similarly, the Inner Classic, the Treatise, and all other extant texts from this period argue that—assuming they are not caused by seasonal qi—febrile illnesses in seasons other than winter are nonetheless forms of cold damage: “As for febrile illnesses, they are all part of the category of cold damage 夫熱病者,皆傷寒之類.”29 The cold qi of winter hides in the body and come forth in the spring or summer as a warm disease (wenbing 溫病) or hot disease (rebing 熱病).

Juan 6, zhi dongyue shanghan zhufang, in Yan Shiyun and Li Qizhong, eds., Sanguo liang Jin Nanbeichao yixue zongji (Beijing Shi: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 2009), 810.

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