«by Hugo Thomas Dupuis Whitfield A thesis submitted to the Department of Classics In conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Masters of ...»
THE RISE OF NEMAUSUS FROM AUGUSTUS TO ANTONINUS
PIUS: A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF NEMAUSIAN
SENATORS AND EQUESTRIANS
Hugo Thomas Dupuis Whitfield
A thesis submitted to the Department of Classics
In conformity with the requirements for the
Degree of Masters of Arts
Kingston, Ontario, Canada
Copyright © Hugo Thomas Dupuis Whitfield, 2012 Abstract Prosopography seeks to learn about social patterns and establish relationships within a well- defined group of individuals, which is accomplished by studying their biographies and analyzing the data within defined parametres. The adlection of provincials into the equestrian and senatorial orders started during the late Republic and continued into the early Principate. It integrated provincials into Rome’s social and political systems and provides the opportunity to closely examine how their roles evolved as time passed during the early Roman Empire. This thesis will show that Nemausus, a provincial tribal settlement in Gallia Narbonensis, was one of the most important towns of the Roman Empire during the early Principate and achieved its prominence through sustained production of senators from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius and, in particular, through its prominent role during the dynasty of the Five Good Emperors. The role of its equestrians and their inability to attain the highest offices of their order will be discussed.
Chapter Three will focus on Nemausus’ physical transformation as it was converted from a Celtic settlement into a Roman colony, and will lay the groundwork for its rise in the established social structures. Chapter Four will provide a detailed examination of Nemausian equestrians, evaluate their careers individually and illustrate how indispensable they were to Nemausus’ growth even if they did not attain the highest offices within their order. Chapter Five will focus on Nemausian senators much in the same manner as the previous chapter. Unlike their equestrian counterparts, Nemausian senators attained great heights in Rome, becoming generals, consuls, and advisors to the emperor. Eventually they became the Imperial family itself, placing the provincial town at the forefront of the Western Roman Empire. Chapter Five will also propose to narrow the scope of Syme’s Hispano-Narbonensian nexus to include only the towns of Italica and Nemausus due to their influence during the dynasty of the Five Good Emperors. A variety of evidence will be used ii throughout the discussion, in particular epigraphical and literary sources. By examining the careers of Nemausian elites, their impact on the Roman Empire and their nativetown’s increased status, will be discovered.
This work would not have been completed without the support of many people to whom I am greatly indebted. First and foremost I would like to thank and acknowledge my supervisor, Dr. Bernard J. Kavanagh, for his continued advice and assistance throughout my academic career at Queen’s. He fostered my interest in Roman history as an undergraduate and then introduced me to the world of Latin epigraphy and prosopography as a graduate student. I would also like to thank the Department of Classics, its professors, including Drs. Falkner, Foley, Reeves, Colivicchi and Lehoux and, in particular, Terry Smith, the backbone of the department. I am grateful and indebted to Dr. Falkner for her guidance through trying times during my graduate years and for her recommendations to the ideas that await you. I must acknowledge Drs. Foley, Kavanagh and Reeves as they introduced me to the worlds of Roman History, Latin and Roman art and architecture (respectively) during my undergraduate degree. I would also like to thank the Committee that examined my thesis, whose members were Dr. Kavanagh, Dr. Foley, Dr. Falkner and Dr. Colivicchi. This list of acknowledgements would not be complete without thanking those with whom I spent all the hours not researching this thesis: my family and friends. Mother, father and sister: your encouragement and continued support has allowed me to complete this opus magnum for which words alone cannot describe my gratitude. Jeffrey Rogers and Kimberly Gagnon: your camaraderie and continued advice have been indispensable.
Chapter 1 Introduction
Chapter 2 Literature Review
Chapter 3 Nemausus’ Physical Transformations
Chapter 4 Nemausian Equestrians
4.1 Lucius Attius Lucanus:
4.2 Sextus Iulius Maximus:
4.3 Sextus Adgennius Macrinus:
4.4 Gaius Aemilius Postumus:
4.5 Marcus Attius Paternus:
Chapter 5 Nemausian Senators
5.1 Gnaeus Domitius Afer:
5.1.1 Sextus Curvius:
5.1.2 Domitius Afer’s Cursus:
5.1.3 Gnaeus Domitius Lucanus and Gnaeus Domitius Tullus:
5.2 Titus Aurelius Fulvus:
5.2.1 Titus Aurelius Fulvus:
5.2.2 The Domitii Afri and the Aurelii Fulvii:
5.3 Aulus Marius Celsus:
5.4 Gaius Fulvius Lupus Servilianus:
5.5 Lucius Aemilius Honoratus:
5.6 Titus Iulius Maximus Manlianus:
5.7 Lucius Pompeius and Pompeia Plotina:
5.8 Antoninus Pius
Chapter 6 Conclusion
v Bibliography (or References)
6.1 Primary Sources:
6.2 Secondary Literature:
The Roman Empire during the time of Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138-161) stretched from as far west as the Straits of Gibraltar to as far east as the Euphrates River, from as far north as the Antonine wall in southern Scotland to as far south as the Sahara and the Red Sea. Rome, having grown from its humble beginning as a small Iron Age settlement to the Mediterranean’s foremost metropolis, achieved the peak of its geographical expansion during the reign of Trajan.1 By Antoninus Pius’ era, the Roman Empire was comprised of forty-two provinces governed by officials appointed either by the emperor himself, legati pro praetore, or by the senate, proconsuls.2 These provincial governors formed Rome’s most influential social group and through Romanization provincials began acquiring these sought-after appointments during the early Principate. Provincials from Rome’s oldest and most Romanized provinces such as Bithynia and Pontus, Africa Proconsularis, Hispania Baetica and Gallia Narbonensis eventually came to play an important role both in its political and military circles.
With regard to the last province listed above, Christian Goudineau writes that, Gallia Narbonensis “was ahead of all other provinces from the end of the Republican era, and remained in first place to the end of the 1st century A.D. both in the number of equestrians and senators it 1 Trajan expanded the borders of the Roman Empire to include Dacia, Nabataea, Assyria, Armenia and Mesopotamia. Rome relinquished control of the last three provinces during Hadrian’s reign.
2 Roman provinces that had a senate appointed governor were classified as Senatorial and did not present any imminent danger or threat to the operations of the Roman Empire. Imperial provinces were under the Emperor’s control because of their location near the frontier and the threat that they presented to the order of the empire.
1 produced and in the brilliance of their careers”.3 Gallia Narbonensis, located in what is today southern France in the modern regions of Languedoc and Provence, became one of the most important provinces, so much so that it was often simply called Provincia or The Province.
Geographically speaking, Gallia Narbonensis was determined by physical boundaries; the Pyrenees to the West, the Massif Central to the North (also referred to as the Cemmenus Mountains by ancient authors), the Alps to the East, and the Mediterranean Sea to the South.4 Although enclosed by mountain ranges on both sides and a plateau to the north, the province flourished through its trade with Etruscan and later Roman towns in Italy. Trade occurred mostly through the seaport of Massilia (modern Marseille) as the province was bound by the aforementioned Alps along with the River Var which proved to be a formidable boundary.5 Strabo describes its shape as being approximately a parallelogram (Strab. 4.1.3), while Pliny, who relied on Marcus Agrippa as his source, provides the measurements of the province to be 370 miles across by 248 miles in breadth (Plin., HN, III, IV). The Rhone Valley, which stretches from Lake Geneva all the way to the Mediterranean Sea, provided the region with ample arable land enabling it to develop economically. The valley also provided a comparable environment to that of Italy, enticing settlers from Rome as well as from the Greek city-states, beginning from the seventh century B.C. onwards to colonize the area.6 Colonization stimulated 3 Christian Goudineau, “Gaul” in Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p.474.
4 A.L.F. Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis: Southern France in Roman Times, (London: B.T. Batsford, 1988), p.3.
5 So formidable was this boundary that during the period of the Roman Republic only Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, and the Germanic tribes of the Cimbri and Teutones were able to cross over into the Italian peninsula. Hannibal’s campaign in Italy had a greater impact than the migration of the Cimbri and Teutones who were eventually defeated by Gaius Marius at the end of the second century B.C. This does not take into account the capture of Rome in 390 or 387 B.C. as Rome’s Empire had not expanded past the area of Latium nor does it account for the later infamous invasion of Aleric the Goth in A.D. 410 as the Roman Empire was divided into two separate states.
6 Rivet, n.4, p.3.
2 its Romanization as well as ease the transition to Roman rule and law, which led to its impressive number of both senators and equestrians.
The War of Annexation of this region lasted four years from 125-121 B.C. and resulted in the creation of the Roman province of Transalpine Gaul. The war was prompted by Massilia’s appeal to Rome for assistance because the Salluvii, a Celtic tribe, was besieging it; Rome obliged.7 As a result, it sent M. Fulvius Flaccus, a consul, who earned himself a triumph in 123 B.C. for his victories over the Salluvii and other smaller Gallic tribes.8 Although earning a triumph, he did not completely quell the native tribes and because of that Rome then dispatched Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Q. Fabius Maximus, later surnamed Allobrogicus, to suppress that region once and for all.9 The War of Annexation ended the area’s overt resistance to Rome and led to the creation of the province of Transalpine Gaul.10 Sixty years after the conquest of southern Gaul, Julius Caesar’s campaign into Gallia Comata or Long-Haired Gaul, which was also known as Tres Galliae, the Three Gauls, commenced and its result shifted the balance of the Roman world, since Gallia Comata greatly increased the size of Rome’s holdings in the Western Mediterranean. While on campaign in Gallia Comata, Caesar received great support from Transalpine Gaul in the form of auxiliary forces and of local chieftains’ sons, whose participation, Rivet suspects, had most likely been 7 Charles Ebel, Transalpine Gaul: The Emergence of a Roman Province, (Leiden: E.J. Brill,1976), p.12.
Relations between Rome and Massilia began in the fifth century B.C. and were strengthened as time elapsed most notably with Massilia raising funds to help Rome when invading Gauls besieged it.
8 Rivet, n.4, p.39.
9 Rivet, n.4, p.40. C. Sextius Calvinus also established a Roman garrison at Aquae Sextiae during his year in Transalpine Gaul.
10 Olwen Brogan, Roman Gaul, (London: G. Bell and Sons, Ltd.,1953), p.5. This paper does not have the time nor space to determine if this war actually led to the creation of the province as no lex provinciae is found declaring it an official Roman province, but it is generally accepted that Transalpine Gaul became a province following the War of Annexation. For a discussion on Transalpine Gaul’s formation as a Roman province see Ebel, n.7, p.64-77. For an opposite view see Brogan, n.10, p.5.
3 forced upon them.11 It is surprising that these Gauls did not try to rebel against their Roman rulers, as it had only been 60 years, about two or so generations, since they were conquered. This lack of rebellion illustrates how different Transalpine Gaul was from its three northern counterparts and how the process of Romanization was taking hold. Following the war, Caesar settled many of his veterans in Transalpine Gaul and formed Roman colonies such as Forum Iulii (Fréjus), Arelate (Arles) and Baeterrae (Béziers) furthering the Romanization of the area.12 Caesar, in fact, with the formation of all these new colonies, reorganized Transalpine Gaul and brought an influx of Roman citizens along with their Roman customs and traditions into the province. He also granted Latin status to the entire province between 58-44 B.C., thanking the province for supporting his campaign into Gallia Comata.13 These Latin Rights allowed them the right to commercium (commerce), conubium (marriage) and the ius migrationis (the right to move/immigrate) as well as the protection of Roman law.
The next great organization of Transalpine Gaul occurred in 27 B.C. when Augustus renamed the province Gallia Narbonensis.14 The name Narbonensis originates from Narbo Martius, the capital of the province. Augustus continued Caesar’s foundation of colonies within Gallia Narbonensis when he established colonies in Tolosa (Toulouse), Vienna (Vienne), Apta Iulia (Apt), Cabellio (Cavaillon), Arausio (Orange), Avennio (Avignon), Aquae Sextiae (Aix-enprovence), Iulia Reiorum (Riez) and Nemausus (Nîmes).15 In 22 B.C., according to Dio Cassius, 11 Rivet, n.4, p.64.
12 Brogan, n.10, p.22.
13 Christian Goudineau, n.3, p.473.
14 Augustus also reorganized Hispania Citerior into Hispania Tarraconensis, which was also named after its provincial capital, Tarraco.