«A LITERATURE REVIEW ON KAUPAPA MAORI AND MAORI EDUCATION PEDAGOGY Prepared for ITP New Zealand by IRI The International Research Institute for Maori ...»
In this view oracy provides a means for nourishing and sustaining the spirit; firing the imagination and strengthening leadership energies. Dewes (1977) advocates for the restoration of the Maori mind, heart and soul. As such it is a ‘living’ tradition which reaches deep into the past moving continuously into the present. Dewes (ibid) further illustrates that oral traditions provide a rich tapestry of positive and potent imagery. He argues that oral traditions are identified as being vibrant;
innovative and able to adapt and evolve to be relevant to a contemporary landscape. Teone Tikao (1990), Eruera Stirling (1985), Rangimarie Rose Pere (1982; 1988; 1990; 1991; 1997) and Tuakana Nepe (1991) all remind us of the need to seek te reo Maori as a responsibility inherited and as a means of recovery of our life essence, our mauri ora. Charles Royal (1993) expresses the view that te reo Maori is the primary vehicle for retaining the integrity of our spiritual and intellectual estates. These estates he notes have been Passed down from parents and elders to children in informal and formal learning situations by vocal expression. Oral literature; in this sense, was recited until it was carved into the house of the mind. (Royal 1993:20) For aide to understanding this more fully Royal (1993) adds that Maori conceptualised the mind (hinengaro) as having two parts (i) Memory – Te Puna Mahara; and (ii) Thought – Te Puna Wananga. He notes that these are then fused in the spirit which enables, in time, the learner to understand the knowledge that has been imparted. Eruera Stirling (1982) describes the impact of knowledge as follows;
[k]nowledge or matauranga is a blessing on your mind, it makes everything clear and guides you to do things in the right way... it is the man [sic] who goes with his spirit and his mind and his heart believing in all these things who will climb to the high summits of leadership. (Stirling 1982:214) It is argued that Maori have complex and sophisticated learning systems through which matauranga Maori is transmitted and received. One such system in which matauranga Maori is created and transmitted is through the use of whakapapa.
Whakapapa is regarded as an analytical tool that has been employed as a means by which to understand the Maori world and relationships.
Rangimarie Pere (1982) explains that every Maori person is a part of a system of social and genealogical relationships. Whakapapa, in this view, acts as a map, assisting people to locate themselves within their descent lines and their relationships to others. Status and responsibility are identified through culturally defined systems. For example key roles and activities within whanau, hapu and iwi may be decided through a knowledge of tuakana – teina relationships (senior – junior relations via descent). Relationships within traditional Maori society could be defined and mediated through whakapapa. Furthermore knowledge would be transferred through generations through representations and discussions of whakapapa. Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1996) focuses on Whakapapa as having multiple layers and multiple meanings. Whakapapa provides an important frame of reference for how Maori organise, manage, position and contest relationships.
Whakapapa also provides as a means of storing, learning, transmitting and inscribing our knowledge. Rangimarie Pere further asserts the role of Whakapapa in Maori pedagogy when she states that;
[the] Maori code is based on ‘nga tikanga me nga ahuatanga a o tatou tupuna. (Pere 1982:82) Which asserts that knowledge is made sense of through a common ground of understanding which arises from a common experience and relationship with our ancestors who have transmitted key principles and ways of being to us.
Whakapapa provides us with an example of the complex ways in which Maori knowledge is transmitted intergenerationally through both a knowledge and recitation of a persons genealogical position and through the transmission of matauranga Maori within the stories of whanau, hapu and iwi.
Andrea Morrison (1999) writes:
Whakapapa links Maori as descendants of Papatuanuku and Ranginui and records an intimate link for Maori with the earth and the physcial world. We can be linked through whakapapa in the varying relationships of whanau, hapu and iwi to the landscape of tribal areas specifically to mountains, rivers, lakes and sea. Whakapapa also means that a person’s ancestors populate space through historical time and present time. Historically, places have been named by ancestors and named after them. The stories of ancestors and places they are associated with are recalled in thought, at hui and in conversation. (ibid:46) Those whakapapa connections and korero that align themselves to whanau, hapu, iwi and whenua (the land/ earth) provide a plethora of learning opportunities. This are presented in both formal ways such as whare wananga and in less formal situations as described here by Pat Hohepa.
In your own communities, the spaces differ, you know where your tapu areas are, where your marae is, your burial places, the areas where you traditionally launched your canoes, the areas where the afterbirth is buried or put into trees. If I drive around the country, my feelings about an area depend on what has happened in that area... when I go to Rotorua, my feelings for Hongi’s Track are guided because I am Nga Puhi. Whenever I do there I have to stop and put green leaves by the tree at Hinehopu (ibid.:47).
In such a framework whakapapa is both vehicle and expression of matauranga Maori. Rapata Wiri locates matauranga Maori as essential to the construction of Maori models. Matauranga Maori provides a distinct Maori epistemology and ways of knowing and draws upon a range of both verbal and non-verbal forms for its expression. Wiri highlights the complexity of definitions of matauranga Maori and its multiple elements as follows;
Maori epistemology; the Maori way; the Maori worldview; the Maori style of thought; Maori ideology; Maori knowledge base; Maori perspective; to understand or to be acquainted with the Maori world; to be knowledgeable in things Maori; to be a graduate of the Maori schools of learning; Maori tradition and history; Maori experience of history; Maori enlightenment; Maori scholarship; Maori intellectual tradition (Wiri ibid:25).
In identifying non-verbal forms of matauranga Maori he highlights some examples as; whakairo, raranga, hangarau, hanga whare, and verbal forms as; whakapapa, korero, whakatauki, waiata, kupu whakaari. Wiri (ibid.) defines these as whakairo carving, raranga - weaving, hangarau - technology, hanga whare - house building, and verbal forms as; Whakapapa - genealogy, korero - oral narratives, whakatauki
- proverbs, waiata - song, kupu whakaari - proverbial sayings. Each of these forms and others contribute to the immense knowledge that is matauranga Maori.
Rangimarie Rose Pere discusses the necessity of seeing the interrelationship between forms of matauranga Maori (Pere 1991).
An in-depth conceptual framework is provided by Rangimarie Rose Pere in her publication ‘Ako: Concepts of Learning’, where she presents some traditional modes of teaching children within the Tuhoe and Kahungunu iwi context. She outlines the significance of tikanga, and matauranga Maori within the context of childrens learning and teaching and explains in-depth some of the key concepts which are inherint in living and being Maori. She begins with an overview of some of the key concepts that are inherent in Maori culture as a basis for understanding Maori epistemological views. These concepts are;
- Nga Korero a nga Matua tipuna - The world view from ones forebears
- Whakapapa - Reciting things in order, creation myth, geneology
- Wairua - Spirituality and associated beliefs
- Te Reo - Language and its importance, kinship and tribal identity
- Whenua - Placenta, land and its significance
- Ohaoha - Production, distribution and consumption of goods, work roles
- Whanungatanga - Kinship ties, obligations, loyalty, caring and sharing
- Papakainga - Territory occupied by a kinship group, associated customs
- Mauri - Life principle of inanimate and animate things, talisman, group dynamics
- Tangihanga-Hahunga - Ceremonial mourning, exhumation, associated beliefs
- Mana - Psychic Influence, control, prestige, power, vested and acquired authority Futher to these concepts, Pere further explores notions which are important in the education of the child. These concepts which are related to the epistemological views expressed above and provide discussion around a childs experience in growing up within Te Ao Maori, particularly within a iwi context.
These concepts are significant in a number ways. In the first instance, the cultural worldview of the Maori is expressed to highlight the unique values, process and world view that they hold, and also to provide a contrast against the everyday 'normal' values held by non-Maori (and predominantly Pakeha) society. In the second instance, these concepts provide a Maori pedagogy, or a Maori approach to learning and teaching. This text is key in terms of outlining the building blocks of Maori culture and traditional views on education. The highly complex nature of tikanga Maori and Matauranga Maori means that there is no one approach, phillosophy or rule from which to draw understanding on the learning and teaching of a child, however this text has gathered these concepts and bound them together providing a valuable resource on concepts and learning in the Maori tradition.
Rose Peres further builds on the concepts outlined in ‘Ako’ in ‘Te Wheke: A Celebration of Infinite Wisdom’ (1997). Te Wheke (octopus) is utilised as a metaphor for learning and the infinite wisdom that comes from Hawaiiki. In Pere's view, Te Wheke is symbolic in a number of ways.
The head represents the family and the child. Each tentacle represents a dimension that requires and needs certain things to help give sustenance to the whole. The suckers on each tentacle represent the many facets that exist within each dimension.
The tentacles move out in an infinite direction for sustenance when the octopus moves laterally. The tentacles can be intertwined so that there is a mergence, with no clear cut boundaries. The dimensions need to be understood in relation to each other, and within the context of the whole. (Pere 1997: 3) Pere (ibid.) describes a number of concepts that fit within this model of Te Wheke, teachings and learnings that we have received from our tipuna that have been passed down through the generations and provide us with our inherent way of life,
of being Maori. She writes:
The simple teachings of this book reach inot the past, present and future of the ancient teachings of Hawaiiki. The author’s learned teachers and forebears from Ngati Ruapani, Tuhoe Potiki and Ngati Kahungunu received insight and knowledge that had been transmitted to them over a period of twelve thousand years. (ibid.:3) In sum, while ako was only a part of a tradition-based Maori way of life, it was integral in the creation, transmission, conceptualization, and articulation of Maori knowledge. Ako was not a process that stood in isolation from everyday Maori life, but occurred in the interaction of Maori cultural notions. Ako was determined by the wider cultural practices, context and resources of the group and encompassed within specific whakapapa, whanau, hapu and iwi relationships. It was governed by the knowledge collectively deemed necessary and was constructed within complex and multiple relationships that required the intersection of a range of Maori concepts and relationships to be in place in order for a holistic expression of Maori pedagogy. With the advent of colonization and the introduction of formal Pakeha schooling structures, the mechanisms through which ako Maori was transmitted was interrupted and fragmented. We turn now to an overview of the early history of schooling in Aotearoa to provide further historical contextualization to the current experiences of Maori in education.
AN OVERVIEW OF THE HISTORY OF SCHOOLING IN AOTEAROA
The history of schooling, for Maori, in Aotearoa has been well documented (Simon 1994; Simon 1998). The first Mission school was established by the Church Missionary Society in 1816 at Rangihoua, and whilst the initial years of mission schooling were shaky there was a formalisation of schooling in 1847 with the Education Ordinance. The 1847 Education Ordinance provided a means of economic support for Missionary schools, this proved a more expedient option for Governor Grey than the establishment of a completely new system (Barrington & Beaglehole, 1974). Governor Grey had specific goals in his advancement of the Education Ordinance with the inclusion of an objective of the provision of boarding schools, particularly the removing of Maori children from the "demoralising influence of Maori villages" in order to hasten their assimilation to "the habits of the european" (Barrington 1970). However the establishment of a state controlled schooling system for Maori was later progressed in 1867 through the Native Schools Act which brought about the beginnings of colonial secular schooling for Maori. The development of mission schools meant that schooling for Maori commenced 61 years before the establishment of schooling for the wider settler community, which was formalised though the 1877 Education Act and introduced a national, free, secular and compulsory state system of Primary schools (ibid).
The early introduction of schooling into Hapu and Iwi territories indicates that schooling was to be a vehicle for specific missionary and colonial intentions.