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«A LITERATURE REVIEW ON KAUPAPA MAORI AND MAORI EDUCATION PEDAGOGY Prepared for ITP New Zealand by IRI The International Research Institute for Maori ...»

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Pono is a term which denotes accuracy of form to function. Speaking is something done conservatively within matauranga Maori. Doing is more readily percieved as a reflection of competence. Kaupapa Maori also engages with ‘real’ situations and provides workable strategies with which to intervene in and transform (change) the situation. Pono is very much at the base of Kaupapa Maori praxis. Pono is ‘integrity, faithfulness to tika and aroha. Pono is motivational. It is a principle which compels our actions to be both tika and aroha. The underlying imperatives of pono are;

It compels us to act It places a standard upon us to be tika in our own conduct towards ourselves and others It challenges us to be consistent It mediates the use of tika in relation to tapu, matua tupuna and Atua It mediates aroha to be tika so as not to violate tapu It moves aroha to action It compels aroha to be uplifting with joy and feeling all actions done by tika only It challenges the exercise of aroha towards the source of tapu (Atua/God) & creations.


Aroha in this view is ‘having a regard for oneself that makes one seek after ones own well-being’. The principle includes seeking positive relationships to enhance the being of others and yourself. Positive self-regard is recognised as a pathway to contentment and peace of mind (spiritual and worldly self esteem). Aroha also accords recognition and regard towards others that encourages them to seek their own well-being. Aroha is also present in mindful regard people can extend to others in times of need (awhi/ tautoko) towards recognising or resolving a problem.

If it is not accomplished it may affect our own well-being. This is called ‘aroha with compassion’. If, and when reconciliation begins well-being will be fully restored.

Aroha also acknowledges the source of all well-beingand seeks after it. This enables the journey towards the completion of self-worth, self esteem and the confidence to ‘stand tall’. These principles are also drawn on by Kaupapa Maori educationalists, researchers and whanau.

The Maori Adult Literacy Working Party (2001) also indicates that maintaining fundamental values is critical. Those values are grounded within tikanga Maori are

the importance of tikanga is noted as follows:

Critical success factors relate to the values that are found in the learning environment of literacy programmes: aroha; whakamana, whanau, tuakana-teina nurturing relationships, manaaki, tautoko and kai. The kinds of things experienced as part of a homely environment make a difference to whether it is an easy place to be rather than a foreign place. (ibid:670)

Tino Rangatiratangathe ‘self-determination’ principle

The principle of Tino Rangatiratanga goes straight to the heart of Kaupapa Maori.

It has been discussed in terms of sovereignty, autonomy and mana motuhake, self-determination and independence. The principle of Tino Rangatiratanga has guided Kaupapa Maori initiatives, reinforcing the goal of seeking more meaningful control over one’s own life and cultural well being. Te Kohanga Reo and Kura Kaupapa Maori, for example, were started outside of conventional schooling explicitly in order for Maori to take control of our destiny.

The theory and praxis of Tino Rangatiratanga is now discussed in relation to a wide range of services, with an increasing development being that of the inclusion in mainstream services options for kaupapa Maori approaches including Kaupapa Maori justice, Kaupapa Maori health, Kaupapa Maori housing, Kaupapa Maori employment and other social services. In the area of health, Mason Durie (1998) relates that in the 1980s Tino Rangatiratanga became part of the new Maori health movement where health initiatives were claimed by Maori as their own. This is also affirmed by a recent Te Puni Kokiri report (1998:11) discussing guidelines for government agencies which referred to rangatiratanga as the “right of Maori to live and develop in a Maori way, whatever that may mean over time and in changing circumstances.” Further elements inherent within the notion of Tino Rangatiratanga are those of resistance and struggle, or what Graham Smith and Leonie Pihama have referred to as the counter-hegemonic role of Kaupapa Maori. Given the historical imposition of Pakeha structures, language and knowledge onto Maori people there is without doubt a political drive that is crucial to current expressions of Kaupapa Maori. In writing about the role of Kaupapa Maori theory Graham Smith (1997) has strongly contended the need for Kaupapa Maori developments to be both culturalist and structuralist in form. What this means is that engagement needs to happen both at the level of culture and human agency and also at the level of analysis of structures and the power relations that exist. This then places Kaupapa Maori as a form of critical analysis which is driven by Maori understandings. Leonie Pihama (1993:57) in articulating the need for Kaupapa Maori to be the basis for engaging power relations in this country writes;

Kaupapa Maori theory is a politicising agent that acts as a counter-hegemonic force to promote the conscientisation of Maori people, through a process of critiquing Pakeha definitions and constructions of Maori people, and asserting explicitly the validation and legitimation of te reo Maori and tikanga.

Tino Rangatiratanga as an element also contributes to the notion of Kaupapa Maori as counter-hegemonic in that the fundamental base of Tino Rangatiratanga is that of Maori control over things Maori, or has been expressed by Maori for Maori. The notion of tino rangatiratanga also includes a decolonizing aspect which is an enabling notion that promotes the need for information and knowledge regarding the experiences of Maori since colonization to be made available to Maori learners (Pihama 2001). Hariata Huata-Tapiata (1992) discusses Tino Rangatiratanga and the struggle within the dominant Pakeha education system.

Her work explores Tino Rangatiratanga as a dynamic instrument to deliver mana Maori motuhake. This writer illustrates how education has been the mechanism to deny Tino Rangatiratanga amongst Maori.

It is appropriate to make a comment in regard to the expansiveness of Kaupapa Maori; that is, that Kaupapa Maori is for all Maori not for select groups or individuals. Kaupapa Maori is not owned by any grouping nor can it be defined in such ways that deny Maori people access to its articulation. What this means is that Kaupapa Maori must of necessity be diverse and recognise the diversity within our people; women, men, tamariki, kuia, koroua, rangatahi, whanau, hapu, iwi, urban Maori, these are some examples of the diversity within our people and therefore Kaupapa Maori needs to be accessible and available to all. It must also ensure analysis that is able to take into account, both in principles and practice, the diversity of Maori communities.

Taonga tuku iho the ‘cultural aspirations’ principle A Kaupapa Maori framework asserts a position that to be Maori is both valid and legitimate and in such a framework to be Maori is a taken for granted. Te Reo Maori, Matauranga Maori, Tikanga Maori and ahuatanga Maori are actively legitimated and validated. This principle acknowledges the strong emotional and spiritual factor in Kaupapa Maori, which is introduced to support the commitment of Maori to the intervention in the educational crisis. Andrea Morrison outlines the role of operating within a Kaupapa Maori pedagogy within the Maori Education department at the University of Auckland. She outlines through interviews with lecturers and students in the department the ways in Kaupapa Maori is applied. A key element is that of the validation and affirmation of Maori students and their right to be at the University. This is done on all levels to ensure total participation by Maori, therefore at the level of cultural and physical space, theory, curriculum, research and practice there must be an active affirmation of being Maori.

Firstly, it is assumed that Maori knowledge and Maori worldviews are ‘normal’ or ‘central’ in that they are the basis from which analysis and understanding are informed for both students and staff. (Morrison 1999: 86) The incorporation of Maori knowledge throughout the curriculum is described by

Linda Tuhiwai Smith:

If we want to assume that Maori are the centre of the way we develop our ideas, then it is the space in the curriculum that makes that possible. It means taking for granted Maori epistemology, starting in the centre of it and then going outwards rather than trying to come into Maori the Maori ideas after the other ideas. (Smith cited in Morrison 1999:86) The curriculum development is viewed by Morrison as being critical in the tranmission of Maori knowledge and nga taonga tuku iho, those treasures handed down to us by our tupuna. The overlap of curriculum and pedagogy is a critical one in that Maori students need to be both able and comfortable to discuss issues of direct relevance to them and to also be able to do that in ways that area appropriate for them (ibid.) Ako Maori the ‘culturally preferred pedagogy’ principle This principle has been discussed in some depth in this review. In summary this principle promotes teaching and learning practices that are unique to Tikanga Maori. It is critical in the wake of Maori underachievement in education that Maori are able to choose their own preferred pedagogies. As noted previously, Rangimarie Rose Pere (1983) writes in some depth on key elements in Maori pedagogy. In her publication ‘Ako’ she provides expansive discussion regarding tikanga Maori concepts and their application to Maori pedagogies.

The range in which Kaupapa Maori has been engaged in educational settings can be seen in the increasing number of research theses and dissertations that have been produced in the past ten years. For example, Margie Hohepa (1990) and Tania Ka`ai (1990) both examined Te Kohanga Reo as a context for language teaching and learning. Ka`ai compared Maori pedagogical patterns she observed within Te Kohanga with those of the bilingual and English medium new entrant classrooms. White (1995) uses the context of ‘scaffolding’. She looked at language use in a Kohanga Reo focussing on scaffolding of children’s language interactions in structured, ritualistic routines of karakia and mihimihi (greetings). Each of these authors identified key pedagogical processes such as tuakana-teina (olderyounger sibling relationship), whanaungatanga and awhina (help/support) as culturally defined pedagogical methods that highlight Maori processes of ako, of learning and teaching are embedded in Te Kohanga Reo.

Kia piki ake i nga raruraru o te kainga the ‘socio-economic’ mediation principle This addresses the issue of Maori socio-economic disadvantage and the negative pressures this brings to bear on whanau and their children in the education environment. This principle acknowledges that despite these difficulties, Kaupapa Maori mediation practices and values are able to intervene successfully for the wellbeing of the whanau. The collective responsibility of the Maori community and whanau comes to the foreground.

Whanauthe extended family structure principle

The principle of whanau, like Tino Rangatiratanga, sits at the heart of Kaupapa Maori. The whanau and the practice of whanaungatanga is an integral part of Maori identity and culture. The cultural values, customs and practices which organise around the whanau and ‘collective responsibility’ are a necessary part of Maori survival and educational achievement.

Whanau provides a support base from which we as individuals are located in the wider dimensions of whakapapa and Maori society. Margie Hohepa (1999) describes the various ways in which whanau can be regarded. Whanau, she states, has both traditional and more 'evolved' meanings. Traditional in the extent that the construct of whanau through whakapapa connections remains as a key definition, and more recently the cooption of the term whanau in the linking of groups of common interest, or common kaupapa. Margie describes these groupings as follows;

Whanau based on unity of purpose rather then whakapapa lines, sometimes termed 'kaupapa whanau' or 'metaphorical whanau', develop around a particular aim or goal. (Hohepa 1999: 18) In the context of Kaupapa Maori initiatives the whanau has a key role in providing support. Graham Smith (1997) states that the whanau structure brings with it reciprocal roles and obligations. In the schooling context of Kura Kaupapa Maori this includes the whanau giving support to individuals and groups who are a part of it, and also that the whanau of the children give support to the wider school whanau. The whanau is a crucial component in Maori society. Meaning both extended family and birth, the word whanau is encompassing of both creation and of support mechanisms for all in the whanau.

Whanau provides the basis for Maori society upon which other forms of organisation such as hapu and iwi are dependent. It has also been a key target for colonialism and colonising forces have actively sought to undermine the fundamental values and relationships that are the basis for whanau wellbeing. An example of this can be seen in the writing of Ngareta Timutimu (1995). This writer conducted research within her own hapu with the realisation that her hapu would presently be left with no fluent Maori speakers. Her writing argued that the ‘middle’ generation within her hapu play a critical role in maintaining the traditional language and knowledge of the hapu. The work of Ben Tangaere (1998) also reinforces whanau as a key Maori intervention model in education. Tangaere discusses what we can learn from the interventions based on whanau in education; how can these be applied to Maori social, economic, cultural and educational crises.

The whanau has been identified as a site of crisis and a site of intervention. This concept is explored in depth by Dr Graham Smith 1993 in his paper titled;

Whakaoho Whanau – New formations of whanau as an innovative intervention into Maori cultural and educational crisis. Smith (ibid) argues that Kaupapa Maori is successful precisely because it is able to speak directly to the strengths and commitment of ‘the people’ with an intervention and transformation kete to assist in the changes identified.

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